The Problem of Upper Silesia and the reconstruction of Europe's economics

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INDUSTRIh-UND HANDEL-

SKAMMER

ii

PROBLEM OF UPPtR SILE-
SIA AND THE RECONSTRUC
HON OF EUROPE'S ECONO-
MICS

THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

Chamber of commerce Breslau.

kfiST-

Breslau (Silesia), June 1921

Annexed we have the honour of placing before you a Memorandum

„The Problem of Upper Silesia and the Reconstruction
of Europe's Economics".

Being deeply distressed at the misery in Upper Silesia, we have
undertaken to give a purely objective and umbiassed picture of
the development of the Upper Silesian question and the importance
of its just solution for the economic and political welfare of Europe.

We are confident that the Memorandum will gain the
attention of all classes interested in the Reconstruction of Europe's
Economics.

Chamber of commerce

President

Secretary

^

CHAMBER OF COMMERCE BRESLAU, SILESIA

The

Problem of Upper Silesia

and the Reconstruction of

Europe's Economics

BRESLAU, JUNE 1921

»

•^i

T\

he vast importance of Upper Silesia for the world's economics as well
asfor the reconstruction of Europe is being recognized more and more
F*- M. by experts of all countries. In pre-war times when Upper Silesia's

belonging to Germany economically, was undisputed also outside Germany,
none but the experts of certain economical branches were aware of the
greatness and abundance of the easily accesible treasures of those regions.
The coal output of Upper Silesia forms an important item in the econo-
mics of the world: it averaged before the war 46 million tons per annum
i. e. the fourth part of the output of Germany and double the amount
Russia and Belgium produced and with exception of the great coal-
producing countries England and America it is only equalled by France.
It must also be remembered that the output can easily be considerably
increased, for the supplies of coal in Upper Silesia are among the
greatest in the world. The mines are easily worked, the quality of the
coal is good. Of all Europe Upper Siles-ia has also the most con-
siderable Zinc production. Nearly a fifth of the Zinc production of
the whole world comes from Upper Silesia. This district is also of
no less importance for the production of iron and lead and for manu-
facturing with these metals. In 1913 the gross produce of the Upper
Silesian coal mines and iron foundries was estimated at 940 million marks.
It is evident that a district offering such economic advantages
is of greatest importance for the reconstruction of Europe, whose changed
state has been occasioned by the war. This could not possibly be
recognized when peace was concluded at Versailles, the separate require-
ments for the reconstruction of Europe not being apparent tlien. Europe
is now placed face to face with a complication of economic problems
in the solution of which Upper Silesia will have to play a more or
less considerable part. After carefully investigating all points the
German government despatched several notes to the Supreme Council
declaring Germany's inability to pay her reparation debts, should she be
deprived of Upper Silesia and stating that this event would also certainly
cause her economic ruin. In all countries concerned in the reconstruction

THE IMPORTANCE

OF UPPER SILESIA'S

ECONOMICS

3025 ir,i

of Europe the conviction has been arrived at that Germany's economic
destruction would paralyse business in other countries.

The restoration of European economics is chiefly dependent on
the removal of this danger.

Before the war Germany ranked among the chief purchasers of
raw materials and with her extensive manufacturing she was engaged
in all branches of trade. These industries are of course entirely depen-
dent on the quantity of coal at her disposal. To deprive Germany of
more coal than has already been done by the Peace Treaty of Ver-
sailles means the ruin of German industry and the loss of German
custom for raw materials and goods. The fact that all countries con-
cerned in European econotnics are more or less dependent on each
other and even form a unit in some districts can no longer be over-
looked ivith impunity.

In the interests of the World's Economics it is absolutely necessary
to increase to the utmost the output of coal everywhere. Great damage
has been caused by the war which must be repaired in the next decades,
unless all countries are to diminish their production considerably below
a sound economic level. Thus a coal district of such extraordinary
wealth and with such easily worked mines as Upper Silesia, deserves
the special attention of the whole world. All countries have an interest
in the question as to whether the coal outjmt is to be raised or greatly
dec?'eased in this important district.

Experts of foreign nations who travelled and made studies in
Upper Silesia before the war and particularly during the Plebiscite are
unanimous, respecting the very high grade of development of the Upper
Silesian industry and on its further development being dependent on these
industrial districts remaining united to Germany. It is unnecessary for the
present to mention that the Upper Silesian industry has an economic ten-
dency to the West and is in many respects dependent on the West i. e.
Germany. But here it must be stated that the foundries are dependent
on Germany for their reserves of engineers and workmen, and that
97% of the mining officials are Germans. An English investigation
commission which made enquiries in Upper Silesia as to the possibility
of starting „Fein Industrie" in connection with the ironworks has come
to the conclusion that the ,,Fein Industrie" would have to get all their
workmen from the West (Germany) and not from the East (Poland).
The non-German workman coming tho Upper Silesia from the East
is not an available substitute and seldom rises to the position of a
skilled workman or to that of an official. When he does so he, in

his raised position, soon gets attracted by German culture. If the impor-
tance of the Upper Silesian industrial district with its abundance of
treasures beneath and above ground had been known to its full extent
at the time of the Treaty of Versailles, and if the importance of this
district for European economics and for the reconstruction had been
but guessed at, perhaps the Entente states would not have taken national
points of view into consideration in deciding the fate of Upper Silesia.
According to the decree of the first vei-sion of the Peace Treaty
Upper Silesia was to be annexed to Poland without further enquiry.
But in consequence of the protests of the Upper Silesian Germans,
these measures were changed and it was decided to settle the future
destiny of the country by voting. The result of the Plebiscite, which
had been fixed by reason of the mistaken supposition that the bulk of
the people of Upper Silesia were Poles, was that the majority, though
ignorant of the immense importance of this district for Europe were
destined to decide its nationality. -,

The result of the Plebiscite of March 20th 1921 was as follows:
Votes for Germany .... 707 488

Votes for Poland 479 369

Invalid votes 3 874

683 Parishes voted for Germany.
597 Parishes voted for Poland.
Thus Germany has a majority of 228 119 votes.
The following questions now arise

1. Is Upper Silesia to be considered as a Unit, so that the
result of the Plebiscite « to be strictly followed in the de-
cision for or against Germany?

2. Which were the circumstajices by which ihe result of the
Plebiscite came about and ivhat is it tvorth?

Upper Silesia is in fact a natural political and economic unit.
This assertion is based on objective, expert investigation
with any standpoint of interest left out of consideration. The Na-
tural Unity of Upper Silesia is founded on the topographical and hydro-
graphical conditions of the country. The country is a plain ex-
cept just in the South where the spurs of the Sudeten Hills project and
form the frontier. The River Oder, which is of great importance for the
economics of Upper Silesia, runs right through the country. On its way
through Upper Silesia the Oder receives all the water courses of the
country. Thus, with the exception of quite a small part in the South

UPPER SILESIA A

NATURAL, POLITICAL

AND ECONOMIC

UNIT

East, science acknowledges it to be a unit topographically and hydro-
graphically. Worthy of note too are the four main roads running through
Upper Silesia since times immemorial and connecting the West with
the Orient. In former times these old trade routes were not only im-
portant for Upper Silesia, but also for Europe; they kept up the con-
nection between the capital of Silesia and Italy and the large markets
on the Danube as well as with the Northern ports. These large trade
routes too lie parallel with the railways of the Upper Silesian industrial
district; they prove to the expert that the Upper Silesian industry has
a tendency not to the East (i. e. Poland and Russia) but to the West
(i. e. Germany). The political and national unity of Upper Silesia is
just as uncontestable. The country is not a Polish country. The
political and national unity of Upper Silesia is not to be disputed.
It is not, as the Poles assert, a territory belonging to Poland, but it
owes all to Oerman culture and ecornic development.

A short enumeration of the historical facts may serve to prove this.
Before the 12tli century, during the Migration of the Nations, Upper
Silesia was already colonised by Germans. The "Piasts"— Silesian princes
who strove for German culture and attached themselves to the German
Emperor — caused a great influx of Germans from the West who
settled in the country. A number of German towns in Upper Silesia
were founded as early as the 13th century, above all those towns, which
are to day considered the centres of the industry and culture of the country.

Beuthen, the largest but one of the industrial towns of Upper
Silesia and Gleiwitz and Tarnowitz were founded in the 13fh century.
As early as the beginning of the 13th century a German Lead Mine
ivas started at Repten near Tarnowitz. In 1335 King Kasimir of
Poland formally and solemnly renounced Upper Silesia. Until that time
the country had been Polish for the short space of a century and a
half only. Upper Silesia then passed to the German crown
of the Habsbourgs till the year 1745, when it finally fell under Prussian
rule. From that time dates the great economical prosperity of Upper
Silesia. Having taken the country from Austria, the Prussian King,
Frederick II. pursued with an energy almost unique in history the
task of opening up the country economically and morally. He laid
the foundation of Upper Silesian Industry, established foundries and
raised the production of coal and iron greatly. To this king the
stability of Upper Silesians wealth is due. His work has been continued
up to the present day with uninterrupted success. Out of these
beginnings made by Frederick the Great has grown up through

German work, German technics and German perseverance an economic
district, whicli is indispensable and higlily important to Europe's
economic life. The English Premier Lloyd deorge rightly
said in his famous speech in the House of Commons on May 13th
1921 that for the last two hundred years Upper Silesia had
belonged to the Germans^ whereas during the past six hundred
years it had certainly never been Polish. Any objective historical
scientist must confirm this fact.

Foreigners wlio have been in Upper Silesia during the admini-
stration of the country by the Interallied Commission have been able to
convince themselves of the Kational Unity of Upper Silesia. The
Polish idiom, spoken by a great number of the inhabitants is by no
means the same as the Polish language nor is it even a dialect oi
Polish; it is just as little understood in Poland as Polish is spoken or
understood by the Upper Silesians. The Upper Silesian people have
always considered themselves Germans and for many generations have
adhered to German customs. The intention of making Upper Silesia
a Polish country and separating it from Germany was never discussed
before the war, not even by champions of the Polish idea. In the
World War the Silesian regiments were reckoned among the bravest of
German troops; the sacrifices the Silesian people made to their country
were unlimited. All proofs of national unity are found in the inhabit-
ants of Upper Silesia. They are good Roman Catholics, hardworking
and thorough, honest and good natured. The national hatred was
artificially roused and kindled to the highest pitch by the methods of
the Plebiscite contest, The people of Upper Silesia consider themselves
as a national unit and consequently demanded the acknowledgement
of this fact in form of an Autonomy. Both the Polish State and
Germany have had to take this into consideration. On all sides,
both by Poland and Germany, as well as by the Powers of the Peace
Treaty Upper Silesia has been considered as a unit. If the Treaty of
Versailles had doubted this unity, if the idea expressed by Briand on
May 24'h of the present year in the Chamber of Deputies, viz. that the
Plebiscite was to ratify Polana's claim to the whole of Upper Silesia,
the Powers of the Peace Treaty would have arranged the Plebiscite
by districts as was the case in Sleswick.

The Economic Unity of Upper Silesia has already been mentioned
above. First of all, it is undisputable that the economic unity is partly
the result of topographical and hydrographical unity. The utilisation
of the economical products of the land is dependent on this. Scarcely

anywhere are the treasures of the earth as abundant as in Upper
Silesia. The whole country lives on the produce of these treasures. The
workmen flock there from all parts of the country. The agricultural part
is greatly dependent on the industrial district while on the other hand
the latter is dependent on the former. A divisiofi of the country
would he followed by incalculable consequences for the whole of
Upper Silesia.

UPPER SILESIA'S
ECONOMICAL

DEPENDENCE
ON GERMANY

rhe economical dependence of Upper Silesia on Germany becomes
still more striking when taking into account following facts: The
Oder is the great and cheap thoroughfare, leading from Silesia to the
West and forms the means of an extensive exchange of goods. The
water highway was improved by canals and harbours which fully answer
the demands of to-day and the arrangements of which are adapted to the
traffic to the West. The Cosel Harbour is the sixth in importance of all
inland harbours of Germany. The Oppeln Harbour too, plays a great
part. The coal output of Upper Silesia by far exceeds the require-
ment sof the country itself in spite of the great consumption of the Upper
Silesian foundries. The mines are therefore obliged to exchange their
own products with those of the Western countries and to seek the
most favorable terms. Ore is the chief object. In Upper Silesia more
foreign than native iron ore is used. With the loss of Alsace Lorraine
the problem of ore has become a vital question. Even before the war,
when Alsace Lorraine still belonged to Germany, Upper Silesia had to
import about half its iron ore. It is clear, that in the future owing
especially to the increased demand for ore abroad, the Upper Silesian
foundries will only be enabled to secure sufficient ore by giving coal
in exchange.

Upper Silesia must open up larger markets for its products,
for in coal output it takes the second rank after the Ruhr District and
produces about a fifth of all the zinc of the earth. This utilisation
of the importatit products of the district is only possible, if
it can work on the old conditions and go on using the trade
routes already existing. All the trade routes — and these are
excellently organised — lead from Upper Silesia to the West i.e. Germany,
not to the East i. e. Poland. If the Upper Silesian treasures are to
lie idle till available routes leading to Poland are constructed, the question
of the reconstruction of Europe is settled. It is a matter of course
that the Upper Silesian Industry is also dependent on the West for

8

many other conditions oi existence. The immense demand for
machines and parts of machines as well as for tools can only be
covered from the West. Further, as already mentioned, Upper
Silesia is dependent on Germany for a considerable number of its
officials and workmen. Every expert examining these questions, ear-
nestly and objectively has till now come to the conclusion that the
Upper Silesian industry would soon be ruined, if it were severed from
Germany and the West and were forced to adapt itself to the conditions
of the East. The Upper Silesian industry owes its splendid dcvelop-
tnent mainly to the aid of the Prussian and the German States,
which however would have been impossible, if it had not been closely
united with German economics as a whole and with the West European
economic district. An enforced change would not only check this
favorable development, it would mean its death. It is also a question
whether Poland is in the position to administrate the Upper Silesian
Industrial District and to aid in the new gigantic task of European
economics. This question has been emphatically negatived by all
expert foreigners, to say nothing of the Upper Silesian industrial
authorities. The Polish Industry, for example the mines in the Dom-
browa coal district and the Textile Factories at Lodz, have until now
been superintended and managed by foreigners; the percentage of
Polish engineers is very small. The Polish race are not suited to
tasks requiring organisatioii and technical skill such as are in-
despensible in the Ujyper Silesian Industrial District.

Thus the unity of Upper Silesia is unconditionally confirmed
from a natural, political, national and economic standpoint. Even
if the Upper Silesian question is to be decided solely from a national
point of view. Upper Silesia must fall to Germany, for at the Ple-
biscite the unity of Upper Silesia resulted in a majority of a quarter
of a million votes in favour of Germany. But the economical stand-
point is more vital, for Upper Silesia must at all costs fulfil its
collossal task in the world's economics and in reconstructing Eu-
rope. This can only be done by furthering riot by checking its in-
dustrial progress. To make sure of this Upper Silesia must remain
German.

7^he result of the Plebiscite (a German majority of nearly a
quarter of a million votes) would have been still more favourable
for Germany, if the Plebiscite could have been conducted fairly, in
accordance mth the Treaty of Versailles.

HOW THE RESULT OF

THE PLEBISCITE WAS

PREJUDICED

POLISH PROPAGANDA

The decree that only such persons as had been living in Upper
Silesia from 1904 were entitled to vote was not at all favourable for
Germany. Since 1904 many Germans have settled in Upper Silesia.
Having done good work and having acquired property there, they
regard Upper Silesia as their home but the voting regulations debarred
them from taking any part in deciding the nationality of the country.
This however v/as not the only regulation unfavourable to Germany.

7V<(? propaganda of Polish agitators with unlawful means and
the Polish terror have produced a false result. In order to judge of
its development it is necessary to get a short retrospect of the recent
events in Upper Silesia which have partly been made known to the public.
Up to 1918 the question of a Polish niovenient in Upper Silesia can
scarcely be said to have existed. Even Korfanty, up-io 1918 member of the
German „Reichstag" and to day the leader of the Polish insurgents, had
no intention at that time of separating Upper Silesia from Germany: on
the contrary, he repeatedly expressed his opinion that the interests
of the Polish tribes demanded their remaining attached to the Central
Powers. It was only towards the end of the war and after the
Revolution in Germany that Polish claims were raised. While the
disastrous issue of the war with its political and economical consequences
paralysed the strength of the Germans in every way and everywhere and
made it impossible for them to oppose the national Polish agitation,
the Poles were employing all means imaginable and instantly made
plans which have come to light during the several insurrections and
again in the May Rebellion which is still going on. First of all the
Polish agitators took advantage of the wretched economical position
of Germany and the food shortage, painting the conditions in Poland
in the brightest colours. The general movement among the workmen
towards improving their conditions of life during the Revolution was
ingeniously made use of by the agitators to tell the ignorant population
that the ^blood-suckers" were chiefly Germans. It is true that all the
leading men of Upper Silesia's economic structure as well as the immense
number of working officials are German Upper Silesians, while the
miners, among whom that agitation had the wanted success, declared
themselves for Poland. While all the distress and hardships of life
were laid at the Germans' door, the Polish agitators made the workmen
the most fantastic promises and painted the future under the Polish
flag in the brightest colours. The Polish Agitation teas set afoot

10

by means of eno/inoiis sums of money. The Head Quarters at Biiithen
under the command of Korfanty, comprised a staff of several hundred
persons, for the greater part Poles from Warsaw, Cracow and Posen.
These set to work in manifold directions. A refjiilar trade was
carried on in rofes, in every form imaginable. They promised the
workmen better conditions of life, greater freedom and made them presents
of clothes and food; they tried to lure the country people by promising
to divide up the larger landed-properties in the Sowjet manner! Flans
of this division were made by the Poles not once, but five times,
To understand these methods of agitation it must be remembered, that
the population of Upper Silesia are as hard-working and honest as they are
credulous. They believed every word the Polish agitators said. It is
characteristic of these Polish agitators that they concealed the depreciation
of Poland's rate of exchange from the ignorant mass by telling them
that for every German Mark they, the Poles, could put dotvn ten
Polish Marks! The people believed that too.

In compliance with the instructions of the Holy See and the Car-
dinal of Breslau, the Catholic Clergy of Germany kept strictly neutral,
but the Polish Clergy took an active part in the Polish propaganda,
exercising their influence both in the confessional and the pulpit. Con-
sidering the enormous influence of the Polish priests on the minds of
the people, the effect can easily be imagined.

But all this would not have prevented at least three forths of
the whole population from voting for Germany at the Plebiscite, had
not the Polish Terror, conducted in a hitherto unprecedented way
made votes influenced the Plebecite against Germany by means of the
most brutal force! On placing himself at the head of the Polisii Agi-
tation, Korfanty's first action was to form a Secret Military Organi-
sation. This was joined to the P. O. W. (Polska organisazio wojskowa)
an institution started during the first Revolution in Russia in 1904) and
to the Polish ,,Sokolvereine", for which the cultivation of bodily drill
.terres as a pretext and thus formed an organisation with a military
character and with military aims. This organisation was appointed to
prevent by force the Germans from enlightening the people, to aid the
Polish Agitation, and chiefly to provoke riots and bloodshed, which
was calculated to convince all wavering minds of the danger of voting
for Germany.

The German Government has handed several notes to the Entente
exposing and proving by authentic documents the Polish Terror,
The Government has also published a big volume of authentic proofs

11

of influence exercised on the voters! In the districts of Pless and
Ryhnik, Tarnotvitz and Kattotoitz there are innumerable cases of the
Polish Terror having prevented persons born in Upper Silesia, but living
elsewhere, from' voting in their native parishes, as they were entitled to
do in accordance with the Peace Treaty. Several months before the
Plebiscite Korfanty in an adress held at Rosenberg, urged his adherents
to refuse these ^Emigrants" food and lodgings^ to treat them like
dogs and to kill them!

POLISH TERROR
IN UPPER SILESIA

Korfanty knew that it was useless to try to impress the minds of those
classes, from among whom he could alone hope to gain supporters
Fo)- this reasoTi he based his activity on violence from the very be-
ginning. In August 1919 a riot broke out, which though at the cost
of many lives was soon supressed by German soldiers. But the second
August riot in 1920, occurring during the administration of Upper Silesia
by the Interallied Commission was much more serions. The German
Upper Silesians were unarmed at the mercy of the fanatic, raging,
Polish insurgents.

The number of victims of the August revolt {1920) ran into
hu7idreds. The German village Anhalt was burnt down by the insur-
gents, German officials and schoolmasters were tortured to death and
then mutilated in the most horrible way. At Josefsdorf near Kattowitz
ten German men were slaughtered by the Polish insurgents by one single
act of revenge. The German White Book and several of the Notes ad-
dressed by the German Government to the Entente contain an appalling
account of the horrible cruelties committed during this revolt. The photo-
graphs of the mutilated victims tell of unequalled cruelty. The revolt
subsided after some weeks and finally terminated, but the spark of
rebellion was still smouldering. The frontiers leading to Poland were
not closed either by the Polish Government or by the Interallied Com-
mission, whose troops would not have been sufficient in number to do
so; the insurgents were thus enabled to flee across the frontiers or to
deposit their weapons. In the districts near the frontiers regular gangs
of robbers committed capital crimes day by day, robbed the safes of
the great Works, captured money transports, plundered farms, even
setting them on fire and stripped peaceable inhabitants of their clothes,
to the shirt.

The German Propaganda was altogether stopped by the Polish
Terror especially in the districts of Pless and Rybnik and in the country.

12

All German organisations were ruthlessly suppressed by force,
German meetings forcibly dissolved, German men tortured or mur-
dered — in a word — every crime imaginable was conimittcd for
political reasons. In many parts the German „Gemeindevorsteher"
(municipal authority of a village) and schoolmasters were expelled and
replaced by Poles who were totally unfitted for the positions. These
on the other hand strictly suppressed any German movement in
their administrative district. Those who witessed these methods of
violence will understand that even good loyal Germans were so intimi-
dated that they did not dare to vote for Germany, fearing the revenge
of the Poles.

The object of the two Polish August insurrections was to add fuel
to the national hatred, to intimidate the population and to' supress all
feeling for Germany. Korfanty has partly gained this end. But at the
same time, whichever way we look at it, the result of the election is
against the Poles and justifies the decision that Upper Silesia should
remain undivided and German. Korfanty after having recognized
this and being atvare of the difference of opiniofi in the Interallied
Comrnission and of the proposals of the English and Italian Com-
missions viz, that only small districts were to fall to Poland, while
the chief industrial districts were to remain with Germany, deter-
mined to stake everythitig on his last card — force — and to con-
front the Supreme Council with a „fait accotnpli".

The signal for rebellion was a statement in the „Oberschlesische
Grenzzeitung" that the Interallied Commission was said to have assigned
the Districts of Pless and Rybnik to the Republic of Poland while the rest
of Upper Silesia was to remain with Germany. The Upper Silesian
„Grenzzeitung" is printed in the German language, but it is a Polish
newspaper and Korfanty's chief organ, a fact of which the French Pre-
sident was quite ignorant when he spoke in the Chamber of Deputies
of Germany's culpability in the riots. At the beginning of 1920 Kor-
fanty bought the „Oberschl. Grenzzeitung" and placed it in the
service of the Polish Propaganda. It is the chief cause of the hi-
deous state of thitigs in Upper Silesia. It misled the inhabitants of
Upper Silesia, stirred up race hatred and is at the bottom of the
incessant violations of the Peace Treaty.

The May Riots were not caused by the sudden outbreak of
national passion^ as some may be inclined to think, but by Korfanty
and his accomplices at enormous expenditure of money and activity
and by long, systematical preparations. It has been proved, both by

13

the Germans and by members of the Interallied-Commission at Oppeln,
that the insurgent army was chiefly composed of Polish troops disguised
as civilians. The insurgents have all kinds of weapons: they operate
with artillery, mine throwers and tanks. The equipment is first rate
and their skill in fighting indicates military discipline and military
formation.

The destruction of life and of property by the insurgents is indescri-
bable. The deeds of violence, the murder and atrocities committed by
the insurgents not yet all made public are unprecedented in the history
of civilised nations. The German men, who have been turned oid of
house and liome or kidnapped and ill-treated in the most outrageous
way and slaughtered by Polish gangs, may be counted by thousands.
Many victims were most brutally mutilated. They cut off the breasts
of women, outraged defenceless men, mutilated German schoolmasters
most terribly, put out the eyes of German ,,Apo"-officials (Plebescite police)
and battered the skulls even of innocent children. German towns of the
Industrial District were besieged, the water cut off and the inhabitants
literally starved. The town of Kattowit2 gets its water from the distant
Rosaliengrube; at the outset the insurgents cut off water, gas and
electric light. The insurgents prevented milk being taken into town
even for infants. Sick people and children must perish in misery, but
the town is doing its utmost to hold out. There is no doubt whatever
that the Poles will not even shrink from carrying out the plan of
destroying the industrial works. In the town of Rosenberg the insurgents
laid a great many explosions from which, as the „Times" Correspondent
remarks, may be concluded how they intend to act in the industrial
district. Robbery and plundering are so common, that a large volume
might be filled with the single cases. Large shops, private houses and
farms have been plundered and destroyed, the owners and inhabitants
turned out or kidnapped.

But Korfanty and his troops did not only persecute the
Germans, they also vented their fury on the officials and troops
of the Interallied Commission, for venturing to oppose their
criminal intentions.

Many Italian soldiers have been killed or tvounded in the
fight against the insurgents. The authority of English and Italian
.,Kreiskontrolleure'' [district controllers] has been disregarded by
the in.surgent officers; in order to get about the country they had to
submit to the indignity of using Polish passports. English papers
stated, that in modem history great nations have never been treated

14

with such indignity as the English and Italians by Korfanty and
his bands. The Polish Press of Upper Silesia attack England and
Italy's neutral attitude in the strongest and most revolting
language daily.

Utterly indifferent alike to right and humanity, Korfanty apparently
considers himself the master of Upper Silesia and intends to enforce his will
on that country and on the whole world. Thus he tried by the policy of
the Line of Demarcation to compel the Supreme Council, by placing
a „fait accompli" before them, to cause the Interallied Governments to
come to a decision based on this line. Hence his intention in case of
failure — of turning Upper Silesia not only into a charnel house but also
into a heap of ruins. He has repeatedly expressed his intention, if forced
to retreat, of blowing up the Upper Silesian Industrial Works and of putting
the mines under water. And in accordance with this, the Polish
General Haller declared to a delegation of Upper Silesian Poles, on
April 5tii 1921 that "even if there is not one stone left on another
in Upper Silesia, Uppet Silesia must still be ours".

Only by force is Korfanty to be conquered. The German Govern-
ment has done all, it has the power to do to restore law and order.
At the request of the Interallied Commission many loyal German Upper
Silesians have volunteered to replace the Polish deserters in the
Plebiscite Police Force, and to restore order in the country. The
Prussian Government has closed the frontiei by means of nine regiments of
policemen each consisting of a hundred men. The closing of the
Polish frontier has not been carried out. Every day the insurgents get
large reinforcements of men and supplies of munition from Poland.
Insurgent prisoners state, that after having been trained in large bodies
in Posen and Poland by French officers, they are sent to fight in
Upper Silesia.

■LloydGeorge's supposition that the closing of the Polish frontier is
rather a sham manoeuvre than a real operation, has been proved
by the following facts: The Polish frontier is not closed, on the
contrary: The insurgents are vigorously assisted from Poland. Only
a peremptory decree from the Entente Powers can put a stop to a
state of things which is becoming an ever increasing menace to Europe.

The immediate suppression of the revolt is not only a command-
ment of humanity and of solemnly proclaimed right, it is a political
forethought. A horrible foreboding lies in the growth tendency of the

BOLSHEWISM AS
CON'SEQUENCE OF
THE INSURRECTION

15

Polish revolt towards Bolshevism. In the hands of Poland, Upper
Silesia would be a gate for Russian Bolshevism. This has been
predicted by many representatives of the Entente, who have
studied all the conditions of Upper Silesia on the spot. Upper Silesia
is the only great industrial region of the German East. The
Bolshevics can scarelly be supposed to attempt forcing their way
through the farming districts, but the Upper Silesian Industrial
district offers a gateway and a bridge for the Bolshevics from the East.
This movement has progressed far beyond the first beginnigs. The
political and economic conditions in Poland are in greater confusion
than ever. The objective opinion of the expert is, that Poland is unable
for many years to come to attain salutary economical conditions which would
be the only thing to check the growth of Bolshewism. The represen-
tatives of Moscow are even now at work in Upper Silesia, where they
are taking advantage of the chaos set afoot by Korfanty, by augmenting
the disorder in order to make use of an opportune moment to
capture Western Europe for Bolshevism. Bolshevic societies have
already been established in some parts of the Industrial District. The
„Pada ludowa" (Polish National Council) which embraces many
radical members has agaiti been formed in the rebels' quarters. The
Polish Bolshevics are working hand in hand with the radicals of Moscow.
Bolshevism is a pending danger for Upper Silesia, if all energy is not
used to restore peace and order at once! Korfanty's insurgents
are not men who consider the salvation of the future to lie in work
and reconstruction; they are vagrants, living on the money so freely
dispensed from Korfanty's ample resources; they have got accustomed
in recent years to live the lives of lawless adventurers and they shun
work and order. Sound conditions of life in Upper Silesia and with it the
prevention of the greatest danger imaginable for Germany and for all
Western Europe is only to be brought about by a radical removal of
troublesome elements. The symptoms of themomentgive reason to suppose,
that criminality would again crop up, if the Polish revolt were gradually
suppressed in which case violence would not be killed, but would
merely be subdued and smoldering. Thus a speedy solution of the
Upper Silesian problem and a prompt removal of lawlessness, violence
and inhumanity is not only a measure Europe has a right to demand,
but is a most sacred duty. As Lloyd George says, there are in Upper
Silesia germs of most dangerous tendencies for Europe. Upper
Silesia is beginning to be a Balkan which outstrips the former conditions
of that peninsula, which was so harrassing to Europe for many decades.

16

A II he abominable crimes and the dangers attendant on them
y~\ occured under the very eyes of the Interallied Commission and
their officers, whose special task it ivas to guarantee peace a7id
order in the land and to secure a just and impartial Plebiscite.
Wlien the President of the Interallied Coyntnission, the French
General le Pond, undertook the administration, he solemnly vowed
by proclamation that a new era of peace and jiiMice should begin.
How then was it possible for all these crimes to be cominitted?

In answer to this question the following facts, which can be
considerably supplemented and proved, are significant.

When the troops of the French occupation army entered Upper
Silesia, they were in complete ignorance concerning the conditions
of the country. So it happened that in several towns they were
conducted to their quarters by Polish Unions, carrying Polish flags,
with music and singing and they were thus stamped by the Polish
minded population their allies. The wearing of national decorations,
the singing of national songs and above all public demonstrations
were forbidden under severe penalties by the Interallied Commission;
the French officers of the Interallied Commission enforced these
regulations on the German population, but were very lenient to
the Poles, e. g. when at funerals of political partisans, the Poles
took the opportunity for demonstrations, they were not prevented.
Even on the Polish National Holiday at the beginning of May 1920,
when they organised demonstrations in the larger German towns
of Upper Silesia amid a concourse of thousands of their adherents,
bands of Haller-soldiers in uniform and armed, with Polish banners
borne in front, nothing was done to put a stop to it. On the
occupation by the Entente Powers, the German newspapers held
the opinion, that by Peace Treaty prohibited any agitation; not
so the Polish .press, which started an unheard of campaign of
agitation and calumny. German newspapers which stood up against
this partiality were forbidden to appear regularly for several weeks
or even longer for the slightest violation of the regulations, whereas
Polish newspapers in spite of their unbridled agitations were only
in two cases prohibited temporarily. The French officers ruthlessly
proceeded against objectionable Germans, whereas the Polish agitators
were allowed to provoke and menace the German people with
impunity. Korfanty's speech at Rosenberg, in which he tried to influence
the Plebiscite by inviting his adherents to use violence, was a breach of

ATTITUDE OF THE
OCCUPATION ARMY

17

the regulations, which threatened with expulsion was for this offence.
The German Plebiscite Commissioner demanded the expelling of
Korfanty, but General le Rond passed over the matter. Korfanty was
not prevented repeating this offence against the Peace Treaty several
times under the eyes of the Interallied officers.

The French officers searched for and confiscated all German
weapons. But ivhen Germans gave infotvnation of the existence of
stores of Polish arms or Polish Military Organisations or of 'planned
acts of violence, no notice was taken by the French authorities,
although the informations were supported by authentic evi-
dences. The houses of the Poles were not searched and thus
tliey tvere able to amass arms to the extent shotvn in the May Riots.
Only in very rare cases did Germans receive licenses for bearing arms,
but all Poles who produced a warrant, furnished at the Polish head
quarters, had no trouble in getting them from the French Commissioners;
even the assassin of Kupka had this permit. It is alleged that the
French troops were surprised by the August Riots in 1920, whereas the
revolt was more likely supported by their inactivity, in fact in some
cases the rebels were even supplied with munition by the French.
Several French Controllers even expressly sanctioned the arming of the
rebels, by allowing them to establish a Civil Militia consisting for the
greater part of youthful and criminal elements, quite unsuited for
political purposes. At the request of the Poles, the Safety Police Force
of Upper Silesia was dissolved and substituted by a Plebiscite Police
Force. Only part of the men of the Safety Police and only such as had
been born in Upper Silesia were allowed to remain, the rest were
replaced by badly trained men, whose chief qualification consisted in
a recommendation from Korfanty. It has been proved that Korfanty
was allowed to inspect the newly formed Plebiscite Police Force and
to assure himself of their loyalty to the Polish cause.

When Polish criminals were to appear at the German lawcourts
for grave offences, they were by the French Prosecutor General
summoned before a special court of justice of the Interallied Commission
at Oppeln. So also in the case of the murderer of Kupka. On
November 20th 1920, the editor of the „Wola Ludu" (The People's
Will) Theofil Kupka who in his paper had fiercely attacked Korfanty
whose collaborator he had previously been, was shot at his home by
four men of the Korfanty Bojowka. The investigations conducted
by the German authorities at Beuthen resulted in many proofs of the
murder having been a political crime committed for the Polish cause.

18

On the day preceding the chief trial, the French Prosecutor Genera! at
Oppcln demanded the documents of the case, while the prisoner, the
locksmith Josef Myrczik, on remand in Beuthen Gaol, was carried
off to Oppeln by French soldiers. According to the French Solicitor
General the criminal was to be tried before the special court at
Oppeln. Although the documents contain evidence of the guilt of the
prisoner so strong that, according to the opinion of advocates, he would
have been found guilty at the chief trial on Februar 24th 1921 at
Beuthen, the case is still pending.

Tiius criminality was allowed to flourish in the very sight of the
occupation army. All endeavours of the leading German authorities
to get the Polish frontier closed had no effect. Political and civil
criminals used the open Polish frontier for incursions and retreats and
they got their reserves from there.

The partiality has been seen clearest duringt he still raging May riots.

With a firm will the rebellion might have been nipped in the bud.
In the Chamber of Deputies Briand declared that the French troops in
Upper Silesia, amounting to 14 000 men only, would have been at too
great odds against the rebels. That is altogether wrong. The French
troops are equipped with all the latest means of defence and the soldiers
are excellent. These troops are also far superior to an army of insurgents
greater in number than theirs. But not only the inactivity on part of
the French, but also their open support of the insurgents has been
proved. English, American and Italian newspapers have alike
stated that French shells and munitions have been used by the insur-
gents. It is further proved that French lorries conveyed munition to
the rebels. In several towns and villages by order of the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the French, the Italien garrison was relieved
by French troops, who, a few days after, surrendered the places in
question to the insurgents, although the French Local Commander
had promised the Germans his protection, and in some cases
had even given his word of honour to defend the place to the
last man. Everyivhere the caj)itulation took place without any figh-
ting. At Gleiwitz the Plebiscite Police under the Interallied Commission
was disarmed by the French. If in answer to a question put by a
representative of the Government in the English House of Commons,
it was said that the French troops had had losses, consequently by they
must have fought, this argument is erroneous, for the few French losses
are to be ascribed to accidents as the Upper Silesian reporter of the
London „Morning Post" has ascertained. At any rate it was only the

19

THE DECISION

Italien troops who fought and they did so with the greatest heroism.
English troops were not then stationed there.

The answer to the question how all these things could go on
under the eyes of the Interallied Comrnwsion is^ that the French
authorities of the Interallied Commission, with General le Bond at
their head, did not oppose the Poles and thus led them on to believe
that they might count with their support^ they being in many cases
encouraged by thein. French officers and occupation troops, with
General le Bond at their head have a share in the guilt of all these
fearful occurences.

In contradistinction to them the Italian and English officers of the
Interallied Commission and the Italian troops — English troops were
only now and again stationed in Upper Silesia — did their duty in
every respect and in some cases sealed it with their blood.

A Tow the task is to quell the rebellion at once and emphaticalhj ,
1 V Each fresh attack of the rebels daily demands irreparable losses
of life and property, losses which must ifi a short time unquestionably
under?nine Upper Silesia's economical organisation. Further the
moment has come for pronouncing final judgment on the fate of
Upper Silesia, uninfluenced by Polish Terror and purely in the light
of impartiality aud fairness. The provisional division into three parts
lately discussed in the newspapers — a German zone, a neutral zone,
occupied by the Entente powers and a Polish — would but be a source
of more dissension, would serve to sever economic units, and shatter the
stengths of Upper Silesia.

Justice demands that Upper Silesia should be considered as a na-
tural, political, economic and cultur unit and in accordance with its
great German majority in the Plebiscite should be assigned to Germany.

Poland can exist without Upper Silesia, it has such coal resources
as would far exceed the requirements of Poland. Through the Peace
Treaty Germany's economic organisation has become poor in coal, and
will collapse altogether, if she loses Upper Silesia. It is the unbiassed
opinion of neutral experts that Upper Silesia's industry will perish if
separated from Germany and linked to Poland. Nothing shows this more
clearly than the proceedings of the May Riots. Germany will be unable to
fulfil her stupendous obligations in the World's Economics and in the
reconstruction of Europe, should the decision be in favour of Poland.
The Upper Silesian Question has intentionally been made a national

20

one: the population ever lived peacefully side by side; in the May
rebellion only a small number took up arms voluntarily. Through
centuries Poland raised no claim to Upper Silesia. It is only now
when Germany lies bleeding on the ground, that Poland stretches
out her hand for Upper Silesia and her wealth, which is due to
German skill and German labour, seeking to enforce her claims in
despite of historical facts. If the decision ismade from a national
point of view Upper Silesia must in fairness to the German majority at the
Plebiscite, fall to Germany. The national feud which Korfanty has sown
time will kill. Europe's future which greatly depends on a speedy recon-
struction and restoration of Economics — also of German economics
— is more vital than the petty national strife in Upper Silesia.

We appfaJ as a last resource to an expert judgment, a jud-
gment that above all considers the requirements of the Economic
Structure of the World, to the judgment of all commercial and indu-
stinal circles of the World who, aware of the needs of the moment
and their causes have as an aim the reconstruction of the Economic
Powers of Europe and of the Whole World — we appeal to the fair
and just judgment of all.

It must amount to this: Upper Silesia is indispensable for the
reconstruction, which it can only do Its share to accomplish If It
remains German, In compliance with the demands of Humanity,
of Justice, of the Treaty of Versailles and of the Future of Europe.

Chamber of Commerce
Breslau, Silesia.

21

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